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The Modi government views the Indo-Pacific as “a positive construct of development and connectivity.” It has worked to advance its footprint beyond its immediate neighbourhood. Its strategy prioritises both home, i.e., developing its own road and railway networks in its north-eastern states; and abroad, through regional transit initiatives. New Delhi has engaged partners to its east and west through multilateral infrastructure initiatives and developed “strategic alliances”, primarily with Japan, to finance and build projects. The paper focuses on this latter component of India’s connectivity ambitions in the Indo-Pacific region. What are the factors driving New Delhi’s connectivity ambitions? Is it merely a reaction to China’s own mammoth infrastructure drive via its Belt and Road Initiative? The paper will critically assess regional expectations, India’s capacity to deliver and how these projects impact future cooperation and contestation in the Indo-Pacific region.

This co-authored book chapter examines India's military response to the rise of China. It begins by elaborating on India’s military objectives and strategy vis-à-vis China from the 1962 war till the end of the Cold War. Next, it focuses on the changes in the military balance in the last quarter century, the shifts in India’s conventional military strategy, and consequent changes in force structures in the Indian armed forces. The last section delves into the nuclear balance between the two countries and analyses its relationship with the conventional military balance in the Sino-Indian military equation.

India and China are caught between competitive “structural” pressures and high levels of interdependence produced by the possession of nuclear weapons. The former engenders a tendency to act as if military power is a usable commodity, while the latter constrains its actual usability. The outcome is a “shadow” realist form of strategic behaviour that is the result of uncertainty, the ideational structure of ingrained realist thinking, strategic habit, and forms of symbolic behaviour – all of which overlap. Realism helps explain the security-driven aspects of strategic behaviour, but not the severe constraints on it. Liberalism helps explain the influence of strategic interdependence, but not the persistence of high levels of competition. Constructivism helps bridge the gap. It explains the persistence of an ideational structure – shadow realism – of realist-oriented strategic thinking and action in an increasingly post-realist setting.

This chapter examines the status of Indonesia as an “awkward power” in global and regional affairs, focusing in particular on the developments under the Joko Widodo government (2014-present). I argue that despite possessing an economic size close to those of quintessential middle powers, and being acknowledged as a middle power by others, the Widodo administration has increasingly viewed Indonesia as a big power rather than a middle power, and adopted a diplomacy that befits its rising international profile. Despite seeking to position itself as more than a middle power, however, Indonesia has thus far fallen short in achieving big power status. I will support my argument by examining two case studies, specifically Indonesia’s approach towards the nascent Indo-Pacific formulation of the region, and its promotion of democracy in Southeast Asia and beyond.

This project will examine how Chinese liberal scholars (particularly those in the field of political science) seek to understand China’s national interests and the normative conduct of China’s international relations. Given that liberal scholarship is traditionally associated with values of open internationalism, globalisation and free market principles, it is generally believed that a greater affinity liberal principles would generate positive relations between China and the rest of the world (particularly the West). Hence, this project seeks to interrogate further how Chinese international relations scholarship understand liberalism. What are the similarities and differences between Chinese political conceptions of liberalism from those of the West? To what extent can liberalism be said to be a normative preference to act as a basis for the conduct of international politics? How does Chinese liberal thought seek to frame Chinese national interests vis-à-vis those of the wider world?

This project aims to track the emergence of new humanitarian actors (both state and non-state) and to map particular successes, weaknesses, opportunities and threats in preparing for disaster relief and conflict response in the Pacific Islands. The project also focuses on the relationships between civilian and military actors and the emerging points of difference and convergence between the two in responding to HADR in the Asia Pacific. In the process, it will evaluate the quality and impact of both military and civilian organisations’ emergency responses. Fieldwork will be carried out in Fiji and Tonga.

This project is a study of domestic politics under the new Pakatan Harapan government. It is two-year study which aims to understand and explain the manifestations of change and continuity across three broad areas of domestic politics: (i) the system of patronage in order to identify networks of power brokers; (ii) the issues and challenges concerning governance; and (iii) the ways in which party politics in both the ruling coalition and the opposition can be expected to evolve.

Southeast Asian military modernisation since the end of the Cold War requires an overall examination. Since convenient arms supplies and military aid flowing from the previous bipolar confrontation are generally no longer available, regional militaries have had to face the cruel reality of financial affordability, and consequently develop different practices for modernisation. As some regional militaries add new capabilities, such as submarines, some are struggling to maintain basic functions, such as airlift. This project will additionally explore trends in procurement and the impacts of new assets on existing capabilities. The period more than a quarter of century since the end of the Cold War should be sufficient for Southeast Asian countries to demonstrate certain models or patterns in their defence acquisition. Feasible scenarios based on the current geopolitical environment present a useful ground for elaborating on the integration between newly added and existing assets.

The strategic partnership between India and Japan, strengthened under Modi, demonstrates a substantial degree of continuity from preceding governments. Policy continuity and nuanced change are better understood as being shaped by both systemic factors and by domestic politics. The ongoing transition from an anarchic system to one characterised by growing complex interdependence has produced a consistently mixed pattern of strategic behavior in strategic rivalries While this accounts for a high degree of continuity, shifts in extractive capacity at the domestic level help explain a degree of change. The paper examines three dimensions of India-Japan strategic relations: the developing bilateral partnership, the somewhat weaker but still growing India-Japan-United States triangle, and the more tentative “Quad,” which includes Australia. The paper concludes that the ambiguities in India’s strategic relations with Japan are likely to persist for the foreseeable future.

The study will identify likely developments in the maritime security environment of Asia over the next decade, including shifts in the maritime balance of power and particular threats and challenges in the maritime domain. The study will take a comprehensive view of security, and will include issues such as the trends with international shipping, environmental protection and resource scarcity. The overall objective will be to identify the implications of these developments for the region and for Singapore. The geographical scope for the study will be the Indo-Pacific region.

The programme collaborates with the Information Fusion Centre (IFC) to work on topical maritime security issues relating to Sea Lines of Communication (SLOC) and chokepoints within IFC’s areas of interest. The project aims to better understand the threats and challenges in regional waters. It will consider national, regional and inter-regional maritime law enforcement capacity, best practices and cooperation.