• Home
  • About RSIS
    • Introduction
    • Building the Foundations
    • Welcome Message
    • Board of Governors
    • Staff Profiles
      • Executive Deputy Chairman’s Office
      • Dean’s Office
      • Management
      • Distinguished Fellows
      • Faculty and Research
      • Associate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research Analysts
      • Visiting Fellows
      • Adjunct Fellows
      • Administrative Staff
    • Honours and Awards for RSIS Staff and Students
    • RSIS Endowment Fund
    • Endowed Professorships
    • Career Opportunities
    • Getting to RSIS
  • Research
    • Research Centres
      • Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)
      • Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)
      • Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS)
      • Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)
      • International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
    • Research Programmes
      • National Security Studies Programme (NSSP)
      • Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
    • Future Issues and Technology Cluster
    • [email protected] Newsletter
    • Other Research
      • Science and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
  • Graduate Education
    • Graduate Programmes Office
    • Overview
    • MSc (Asian Studies)
    • MSc (International Political Economy)
    • MSc (International Relations)
    • MSc (Strategic Studies)
    • NTU-Warwick Double Masters Programme
    • PhD Programme
    • Exchange Partners and Programmes
    • How to Apply
    • Financial Assistance
    • Meet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other events
    • RSIS Alumni
  • Alumni & Networks
    • Alumni
    • Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)
    • Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)
    • International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
    • SRP Executive Programme
    • Terrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
  • Publications
    • RSIS Publications
      • Annual Reviews
      • Books
      • Bulletins and Newsletters
      • Commentaries
      • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
      • Commemorative / Event Reports
      • IDSS Paper
      • Interreligious Relations
      • Monographs
      • NTS Insight
      • Policy Reports
      • Working Papers
      • RSIS Publications for the Year
    • Glossary of Abbreviations
    • External Publications
      • Authored Books
      • Journal Articles
      • Edited Books
      • Chapters in Edited Books
      • Policy Reports
      • Working Papers
      • Op-Eds
      • External Publications for the Year
    • Policy-relevant Articles Given RSIS Award
  • Media
    • Great Powers
    • Sustainable Security
    • Other Resource Pages
    • Media Highlights
    • News Releases
    • Speeches
    • Vidcast Channel
    • Audio/Video Forums
  • Events
  • Giving
  • Contact Us
Facebook
Twitter
YouTube
RSISVideoCast RSISVideoCast rsis.sg
Linkedin
instagram instagram rsis.sg
RSS
  • Home
  • About RSIS
      • Introduction
      • Building the Foundations
      • Welcome Message
      • Board of Governors
      • Staff Profiles
        • Executive Deputy Chairman’s Office
        • Dean’s Office
        • Management
        • Distinguished Fellows
        • Faculty and Research
        • Associate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research Analysts
        • Visiting Fellows
        • Adjunct Fellows
        • Administrative Staff
      • Honours and Awards for RSIS Staff and Students
      • RSIS Endowment Fund
      • Endowed Professorships
      • Career Opportunities
      • Getting to RSIS
  • Research
      • Research Centres
        • Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)
        • Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)
        • Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS)
        • Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)
        • International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
      • Research Programmes
        • National Security Studies Programme (NSSP)
        • Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
      • Future Issues and Technology Cluster
      • [email protected] Newsletter
      • Other Research
        • Science and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
  • Graduate Education
      • Graduate Programmes Office
      • Overview
      • MSc (Asian Studies)
      • MSc (International Political Economy)
      • MSc (International Relations)
      • MSc (Strategic Studies)
      • NTU-Warwick Double Masters Programme
      • PhD Programme
      • Exchange Partners and Programmes
      • How to Apply
      • Financial Assistance
      • Meet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other events
      • RSIS Alumni
  • Alumni & Networks
      • Alumni
      • Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)
      • Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)
      • International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
      • SRP Executive Programme
      • Terrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
  • Publications
      • RSIS Publications
        • Annual Reviews
        • Books
        • Bulletins and Newsletters
        • Commentaries
        • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
        • Commemorative / Event Reports
        • IDSS Paper
        • Interreligious Relations
        • Monographs
        • NTS Insight
        • Policy Reports
        • Working Papers
        • RSIS Publications for the Year
      • Glossary of Abbreviations
      • External Publications
        • Authored Books
        • Journal Articles
        • Edited Books
        • Chapters in Edited Books
        • Policy Reports
        • Working Papers
        • Op-Eds
        • External Publications for the Year
      • Policy-relevant Articles Given RSIS Award
  • Media
      • Great Powers
      • Sustainable Security
      • Other Resource Pages
      • Media Highlights
      • News Releases
      • Speeches
      • Vidcast Channel
      • Audio/Video Forums
  • Events
  • Giving
  • Contact Us
  • instagram instagram rsis.sg
Connect

Getting to RSIS

Map

Address

Nanyang Technological University
Block S4, Level B3,
50 Nanyang Avenue,
Singapore 639798

View location on Google maps Click here for directions to RSIS

Get in Touch

    Connect with Us

      rsis.ntu
      rsis_ntu
      rsisntu
    RSISVideoCast RSISVideoCast rsisvideocast
      school/rsis-ntu
    instagram instagram rsis.sg
      RSS
    Subscribe to RSIS Publications
    Subscribe to RSIS Events

    RSIS Intranet

    S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Think Tank and Graduate School Ponder The Improbable Since 1966
    Nanyang Technological University Nanyang Technological University

    Skip to content

     
    • RSIS
    • Publication
    • RSIS Publications
    • Is the US Pivoting Back to the Pacific Island Countries?
    • Annual Reviews
    • Books
    • Bulletins and Newsletters
    • Commentaries
    • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
    • Commemorative / Event Reports
    • IDSS Paper
    • Interreligious Relations
    • Monographs
    • NTS Insight
    • Policy Reports
    • Working Papers
    • RSIS Publications for the Year

    CO23076 | Is the US Pivoting Back to the Pacific Island Countries?
    Anne-Marie Schleich

    19 May 2023

    download pdf
    RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due credit to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected].

    SYNOPSIS

    Recent steps towards a stronger American diplomatic, security and development re-engagement in the Pacific region reflect the wider geopolitical competition between China and the US. The US needs to be present to underline its commitment to the region.

    230522 CO23076 Is the US Pivoting Back to the Pacific Island Countries
    Source: jcomp on Freepik

    COMMENTARY

    US President Joe Biden’s abrupt cancellation of his highly anticipated whirlwind stop in Port Moresby, the capital of Papua New Guinea (PNG), was not good news for the blossoming and delicate US-Pacific Island countries relationship. His three-hour stop-over was supposed to be the first ever visit to a Pacific Island country by a US President and the visible culmination of American efforts to regain political traction in the Pacific.

    President Biden was also to meet 15 Pacific Island heads of government. President Biden and PNG Prime Minister James Marape intended to sign bilateral defence cooperation as well as maritime surveillance agreements. The choice of PNG for his visit was not coincidental. With a population of 9.4 million, it is the most populous of all the Pacific Island countries and also has considerable natural resources such as oil, gas, gold, copper and timber and a booming mining sector.

    Chinese President Xi Jinping had already made a state visit to PNG in 2018 underlining the growing Chinese-PNG economic and political ties. As early as 2014, he had visited three other Pacific countries.

    China-Solomon Islands Security Pact got the Ball Rolling

    But it was the surprise security pact between China and the Solomon Islands in May 2022 that rattled the US and its allies, Australia and New Zealand and goaded all three countries into stepping up their engagements in the Pacific.

    The security pact was followed by a Chinese US$66 million loan to the Solomon Islands for a Huawei telecommunications project and a multimillion-dollar contract with a Chinese company to upgrade the port of the Solomon Islands capital, Honiara. Concerns about the geopolitical ramifications of a stronger Chinese engagement in the Pacific Islands region caused a frenzy of US activities reflecting the wider geopolitical competition between China and the US.

    Already in February 2022, the Biden administration had released its Indo-Pacific Strategy which set the framework for mitigating Chinese influence, maintaining America’s traditional strategic dominance in the region and the wish of the US to play a bigger role in the wider region. One of the tools was to re-invigorate and strengthen overlapping minilateral partnerships and alliances in the region, such as AUKUS – the trilateral security pact between the US, UK and Australia – and the quadrilateral Quad group with Japan, India, the US and Australia. Others were newly created such as IPEF, “Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity”, with regional leader Fiji as the only Pacific member country.

    US: Waking Up and Increasing its Footprint in the Pacific

    The US also kickstarted its hitherto rather dormant diplomacy and engagement with the Pacific Island countries with a number of high-ranking political and military visits to the Pacific. Among them was the trip of Secretary of State Antony Blinken, the first visit of a US Secretary of State in 40 years, and that of US Vice President Kamala Harris, who attended the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) summit in July last year.

    This was followed by President Biden hosting twelve PIF heads of government at a US-Pacific summit at the White House in November 2022 during which the US announced a Pacific aid programme of US$800 million, spread over 10 years, and a Pacific Partnership Strategy. The latter’s four-goals aim was to strengthen partnerships and regionalism with the Pacific Island countries as well as to combat climate change and build climate resilience. The US pledged to support the Pacific in future in one of the region’s major problems, the control of illegal fishing, with the US Coast Guard assisting to strengthen local capabilities, especially in PNG.

    The historically close political and economic ties between the US and three independent Pacific countries, Palau, Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of Marshall Islands, had been tested during the negotiations for the new 2023 “Compact of Free Association” package. After hard bargaining by the three Pacific countries, the US agreed to an unprecedented economic package of more than US$7 billion over 20 years, which awaits approval by the US Congress. The US is hoping that this assistance will convince the respective governments to stay within the US sphere of influence.

    The US also increased its diplomatic presence in four Pacific countries by reopening its embassy in the Solomon Islands after 30 years, opening an embassy in Tonga in May, and planning to have embassies in Kiribati and Vanuatu. It was Kiribati and the Solomon Islands which in 2019 had switched diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to Beijing. President Biden also appointed a special envoy to the Pacific Islands Forum.

    Is the US Re-Engagement Sustainable?

    The US’ return to the Pacific Island countries is late but maybe not too late, although there appear to be a number of potential pitfalls for the US. It had neglected the Pacific for too long and was not visible. Apart from its history of cooperation with the Marshall Islands, Palau and the Federated States of Micronesia, it had reduced its aid programmes (the fifth largest donor to the region according to the Lowy Aid Map). America’s trade with the region (except for the Compact states) remains minimal – compared to China which has become the biggest trading partner for most of the Pacific countries. President Biden’s no-show in PNG will disappoint many in the region and potentially play into China’s hand.

    The competition between the US and China will crowd the Pacific scene more – with many other players having been active there for a long time such as Australia, New Zealand, the Asian Development Bank, Japan and the EU. America’s closest ally, Australia, has intensified its relations with the Pacific, substantially increased its aid to the Pacific (especially to PNG), concluded security and investment agreements, and slightly improved its previously unambitious domestic climate policy. This recent increase in US and Australian aid and new financing of infrastructure projects will be seen in contrast to China which has reduced its aid to the Pacific since about 2018, focussing now mainly on Kiribati and the Solomon Islands.

    As for the Pacific Strategic Partnership announced by the US during the Pacific summit last November, the US government could have used a more consultative and less top-down approach with the Pacific Island countries. That would have ensured a more sustainable partnership with the regional players.

    The PIF countries had already, in 2019, rejected the notion that the region needed to choose between the US and China. They fear to be drawn into a potential regional conflict between the US and China. The persisting memories of American and French nuclear tests in the Pacific also explain some recent negative reactions to the latest AUKUS developments. The concern that the South Pacific could become the thoroughfare for nuclear-propelled US (and in future also Australian) warships is real. Without careful consultations, this might create divisions between Pacific Island and AUKUS member countries.

    Most important are the existential concerns about the climate crisis in the Pacific countries. Like Australia, the US needs to check its own domestic and international climate policies in order to stay credible with Pacific Island countries. It was therefore politically unwise of the US not to support Vanuatu in the UN General Assembly vote last month to bring about a landmark UN resolution sponsored by 130 countries, which will seek the opinion of the International Court of Justice on countries’ obligations to address climate change.

    The new American engagement in the Pacific will be ultimately judged not by visits of an American President, but by the willingness of the US to sincerely address the region’s major concerns such as climate crisis and contribute towards sustainable prosperity and peace in the region.

    About the Author

    Dr Anne-Marie Schleich is an Adjunct Senior Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University (NTU), Singapore. She is a retired German diplomat who was most recently German Ambassador to New Zealand and to seven Pacific Island countries.

    Categories: Commentaries / Country and Region Studies / International Political Economy / International Politics and Security / Americas / East Asia and Asia Pacific / Global / South Asia / Southeast Asia and ASEAN

    Last updated on 22/05/2023

    comments powered by Disqus
    RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due credit to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected].

    SYNOPSIS

    Recent steps towards a stronger American diplomatic, security and development re-engagement in the Pacific region reflect the wider geopolitical competition between China and the US. The US needs to be present to underline its commitment to the region.

    230522 CO23076 Is the US Pivoting Back to the Pacific Island Countries
    Source: jcomp on Freepik

    COMMENTARY

    US President Joe Biden’s abrupt cancellation of his highly anticipated whirlwind stop in Port Moresby, the capital of Papua New Guinea (PNG), was not good news for the blossoming and delicate US-Pacific Island countries relationship. His three-hour stop-over was supposed to be the first ever visit to a Pacific Island country by a US President and the visible culmination of American efforts to regain political traction in the Pacific.

    President Biden was also to meet 15 Pacific Island heads of government. President Biden and PNG Prime Minister James Marape intended to sign bilateral defence cooperation as well as maritime surveillance agreements. The choice of PNG for his visit was not coincidental. With a population of 9.4 million, it is the most populous of all the Pacific Island countries and also has considerable natural resources such as oil, gas, gold, copper and timber and a booming mining sector.

    Chinese President Xi Jinping had already made a state visit to PNG in 2018 underlining the growing Chinese-PNG economic and political ties. As early as 2014, he had visited three other Pacific countries.

    China-Solomon Islands Security Pact got the Ball Rolling

    But it was the surprise security pact between China and the Solomon Islands in May 2022 that rattled the US and its allies, Australia and New Zealand and goaded all three countries into stepping up their engagements in the Pacific.

    The security pact was followed by a Chinese US$66 million loan to the Solomon Islands for a Huawei telecommunications project and a multimillion-dollar contract with a Chinese company to upgrade the port of the Solomon Islands capital, Honiara. Concerns about the geopolitical ramifications of a stronger Chinese engagement in the Pacific Islands region caused a frenzy of US activities reflecting the wider geopolitical competition between China and the US.

    Already in February 2022, the Biden administration had released its Indo-Pacific Strategy which set the framework for mitigating Chinese influence, maintaining America’s traditional strategic dominance in the region and the wish of the US to play a bigger role in the wider region. One of the tools was to re-invigorate and strengthen overlapping minilateral partnerships and alliances in the region, such as AUKUS – the trilateral security pact between the US, UK and Australia – and the quadrilateral Quad group with Japan, India, the US and Australia. Others were newly created such as IPEF, “Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity”, with regional leader Fiji as the only Pacific member country.

    US: Waking Up and Increasing its Footprint in the Pacific

    The US also kickstarted its hitherto rather dormant diplomacy and engagement with the Pacific Island countries with a number of high-ranking political and military visits to the Pacific. Among them was the trip of Secretary of State Antony Blinken, the first visit of a US Secretary of State in 40 years, and that of US Vice President Kamala Harris, who attended the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) summit in July last year.

    This was followed by President Biden hosting twelve PIF heads of government at a US-Pacific summit at the White House in November 2022 during which the US announced a Pacific aid programme of US$800 million, spread over 10 years, and a Pacific Partnership Strategy. The latter’s four-goals aim was to strengthen partnerships and regionalism with the Pacific Island countries as well as to combat climate change and build climate resilience. The US pledged to support the Pacific in future in one of the region’s major problems, the control of illegal fishing, with the US Coast Guard assisting to strengthen local capabilities, especially in PNG.

    The historically close political and economic ties between the US and three independent Pacific countries, Palau, Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of Marshall Islands, had been tested during the negotiations for the new 2023 “Compact of Free Association” package. After hard bargaining by the three Pacific countries, the US agreed to an unprecedented economic package of more than US$7 billion over 20 years, which awaits approval by the US Congress. The US is hoping that this assistance will convince the respective governments to stay within the US sphere of influence.

    The US also increased its diplomatic presence in four Pacific countries by reopening its embassy in the Solomon Islands after 30 years, opening an embassy in Tonga in May, and planning to have embassies in Kiribati and Vanuatu. It was Kiribati and the Solomon Islands which in 2019 had switched diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to Beijing. President Biden also appointed a special envoy to the Pacific Islands Forum.

    Is the US Re-Engagement Sustainable?

    The US’ return to the Pacific Island countries is late but maybe not too late, although there appear to be a number of potential pitfalls for the US. It had neglected the Pacific for too long and was not visible. Apart from its history of cooperation with the Marshall Islands, Palau and the Federated States of Micronesia, it had reduced its aid programmes (the fifth largest donor to the region according to the Lowy Aid Map). America’s trade with the region (except for the Compact states) remains minimal – compared to China which has become the biggest trading partner for most of the Pacific countries. President Biden’s no-show in PNG will disappoint many in the region and potentially play into China’s hand.

    The competition between the US and China will crowd the Pacific scene more – with many other players having been active there for a long time such as Australia, New Zealand, the Asian Development Bank, Japan and the EU. America’s closest ally, Australia, has intensified its relations with the Pacific, substantially increased its aid to the Pacific (especially to PNG), concluded security and investment agreements, and slightly improved its previously unambitious domestic climate policy. This recent increase in US and Australian aid and new financing of infrastructure projects will be seen in contrast to China which has reduced its aid to the Pacific since about 2018, focussing now mainly on Kiribati and the Solomon Islands.

    As for the Pacific Strategic Partnership announced by the US during the Pacific summit last November, the US government could have used a more consultative and less top-down approach with the Pacific Island countries. That would have ensured a more sustainable partnership with the regional players.

    The PIF countries had already, in 2019, rejected the notion that the region needed to choose between the US and China. They fear to be drawn into a potential regional conflict between the US and China. The persisting memories of American and French nuclear tests in the Pacific also explain some recent negative reactions to the latest AUKUS developments. The concern that the South Pacific could become the thoroughfare for nuclear-propelled US (and in future also Australian) warships is real. Without careful consultations, this might create divisions between Pacific Island and AUKUS member countries.

    Most important are the existential concerns about the climate crisis in the Pacific countries. Like Australia, the US needs to check its own domestic and international climate policies in order to stay credible with Pacific Island countries. It was therefore politically unwise of the US not to support Vanuatu in the UN General Assembly vote last month to bring about a landmark UN resolution sponsored by 130 countries, which will seek the opinion of the International Court of Justice on countries’ obligations to address climate change.

    The new American engagement in the Pacific will be ultimately judged not by visits of an American President, but by the willingness of the US to sincerely address the region’s major concerns such as climate crisis and contribute towards sustainable prosperity and peace in the region.

    About the Author

    Dr Anne-Marie Schleich is an Adjunct Senior Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University (NTU), Singapore. She is a retired German diplomat who was most recently German Ambassador to New Zealand and to seven Pacific Island countries.

    Categories: Commentaries / Country and Region Studies / International Political Economy / International Politics and Security

    Last updated on 22/05/2023

    Back to top

    Terms of Use | Privacy Statement
    Copyright © S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. All rights reserved.
    This site uses cookies to offer you a better browsing experience. By continuing, you are agreeing to the use of cookies on your device as described in our privacy policy. Learn more
    OK
    Latest Book
    more info