As part of its electoral strategy, PAS has softened its stance and left its Islamic state agenda on the backburner. Instead, its electoral manifesto was the formation of a negara kebajikan (welfare state). PAS’ strategy was to focus on the more universal aspects of Islam such as egalitarianism, tolerance and accommodation. This strategy paid off when many non-Muslims decided to throw their lot with PAS in the elections.

Beyond the rhetoric of electoral politics, PAS has consistently de-coupled religion from ethnicity, a relationship enshrined in the Malaysian Constitution which defines Malays as Muslims. Since the 1980s, with emergence of the ulama leadership in the party, PAS has condemned UMNO’s brand of racial politics as assabiyah (tribalism) which it deems as unIslamic. PAS’ brand of Islamic piety has always been divorced from the trappings of Malay supremacist ideas that are couched in UMNO’s approach to Islam.

This could explain why PAS is more tolerant of the religious and cultural practices of minority groups in Malaysia. Non-Muslim Malaysians find it easier to obtain permits to build their places of worship in PAS-controlled Kelantan than in UMNO-controlled states. With the right packaging, PAS leaders have sucessfully sold their more benevolent leadership to the non-Muslim voters in this general election.

Malay Voters and Islamisation

In its efforts to capture Malay votes in the northern Malay states of Kelantan, Kedah, Perlis and Trengganu, PAS has traditionally emphasised its agenda to implement stricter Islamic laws. While it has been assumed that such a stance will result in the party winning a larger portion of the rural Malay votes, such assumptions have been shattered in the 2008 elections.

Without focusing on the Islamic state issue, PAS was still able to secure votes in the northern Malay states, retaining Kelantan, capturing Kedah and making inroads in Trengganu. The message is clear and simple. The Malay voters prefer to have leaders that have stronger Islamic credentials and are regarded as free from the corruption and nepotistic practices that are perceived as defining UMNO politicians. Yet, they are not necessarily keen for stricter Islamic laws to be implemented. This can be explained by the fact that Islam in northern Malaysia remains traditional and is fused with local Malay traditions, some of which may even contravene strict puritan Islamic laws that some PAS leaders are pushing for.

At the same time, many are wary that various forms of entertainment such as music would be banned if PAS comes to power in their state. PAS leaders successfully eased these worries when they began showing a more human side of the party when its leaders played soccer against Malaysian artistes and allowed Mawi, a popular Malay singer to perform in Kelantan. The urban Malay voters were also won over by PAS’ new image, resulting in the party doing extremely well in many urban Malay- dominated constituencies in Selangor and Penang. The dilemma that PAS thought it faced is not a dilemma after all; it has finally successfully strengthened its position amongst Malay and non-Malay voters.

The Way Forward for PAS

PAS’ strong electoral showing is likely to strengthen the reform-minded faction in the party led by its deputy president Nasharuddin Mat Isa. During the last PAS Annual General Assembly, the more conservative ulama group within the party made a strong showing by capturing several top posts in the party. Yet the ulama themselves would probably moderate their position on the Islamic state issue now given the success of the party in the 8 March 2008 general election. Should this happen, it could well lead to a discernible moderation in the Islamist commitment of the party.