• Home
  • About RSIS
    • Introduction
    • Building the Foundations
    • Welcome Message
    • Board of Governors
    • Staff Profiles
      • Executive Deputy Chairman’s Office
      • Dean’s Office
      • Management
      • Distinguished Fellows
      • Faculty and Research
      • Associate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research Analysts
      • Visiting Fellows
      • Adjunct Fellows
      • Administrative Staff
    • Honours and Awards for RSIS Staff and Students
    • RSIS Endowment Fund
    • Endowed Professorships
    • Career Opportunities
    • Getting to RSIS
  • Research
    • Research Centres
      • Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)
      • Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)
      • Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS)
      • Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)
      • International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
    • Research Programmes
      • National Security Studies Programme (NSSP)
      • Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
    • Future Issues and Technology Cluster
    • [email protected] Newsletter
    • Other Research
      • Science and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
  • Graduate Education
    • Graduate Programmes Office
    • Overview
    • MSc (Asian Studies)
    • MSc (International Political Economy)
    • MSc (International Relations)
    • MSc (Strategic Studies)
    • NTU-Warwick Double Masters Programme
    • PhD Programme
    • Exchange Partners and Programmes
    • How to Apply
    • Financial Assistance
    • Meet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other events
    • RSIS Alumni
  • Alumni & Networks
    • Alumni
    • Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)
    • Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)
    • International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
    • SRP Executive Programme
    • Terrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
  • Publications
    • RSIS Publications
      • Annual Reviews
      • Books
      • Bulletins and Newsletters
      • Commentaries
      • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
      • Commemorative / Event Reports
      • IDSS Paper
      • Interreligious Relations
      • Monographs
      • NTS Insight
      • Policy Reports
      • Working Papers
      • RSIS Publications for the Year
    • Glossary of Abbreviations
    • External Publications
      • Authored Books
      • Journal Articles
      • Edited Books
      • Chapters in Edited Books
      • Policy Reports
      • Working Papers
      • Op-Eds
      • External Publications for the Year
    • Policy-relevant Articles Given RSIS Award
  • Media
    • Great Powers
    • Sustainable Security
    • Other Resource Pages
    • Media Highlights
    • News Releases
    • Speeches
    • Vidcast Channel
    • Audio/Video Forums
  • Events
  • Giving
  • Contact Us
Facebook
Twitter
YouTube
RSISVideoCast RSISVideoCast rsis.sg
Linkedin
instagram instagram rsis.sg
RSS
  • Home
  • About RSIS
      • Introduction
      • Building the Foundations
      • Welcome Message
      • Board of Governors
      • Staff Profiles
        • Executive Deputy Chairman’s Office
        • Dean’s Office
        • Management
        • Distinguished Fellows
        • Faculty and Research
        • Associate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research Analysts
        • Visiting Fellows
        • Adjunct Fellows
        • Administrative Staff
      • Honours and Awards for RSIS Staff and Students
      • RSIS Endowment Fund
      • Endowed Professorships
      • Career Opportunities
      • Getting to RSIS
  • Research
      • Research Centres
        • Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)
        • Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)
        • Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS)
        • Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)
        • International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
      • Research Programmes
        • National Security Studies Programme (NSSP)
        • Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
      • Future Issues and Technology Cluster
      • [email protected] Newsletter
      • Other Research
        • Science and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
  • Graduate Education
      • Graduate Programmes Office
      • Overview
      • MSc (Asian Studies)
      • MSc (International Political Economy)
      • MSc (International Relations)
      • MSc (Strategic Studies)
      • NTU-Warwick Double Masters Programme
      • PhD Programme
      • Exchange Partners and Programmes
      • How to Apply
      • Financial Assistance
      • Meet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other events
      • RSIS Alumni
  • Alumni & Networks
      • Alumni
      • Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)
      • Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)
      • International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
      • SRP Executive Programme
      • Terrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
  • Publications
      • RSIS Publications
        • Annual Reviews
        • Books
        • Bulletins and Newsletters
        • Commentaries
        • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
        • Commemorative / Event Reports
        • IDSS Paper
        • Interreligious Relations
        • Monographs
        • NTS Insight
        • Policy Reports
        • Working Papers
        • RSIS Publications for the Year
      • Glossary of Abbreviations
      • External Publications
        • Authored Books
        • Journal Articles
        • Edited Books
        • Chapters in Edited Books
        • Policy Reports
        • Working Papers
        • Op-Eds
        • External Publications for the Year
      • Policy-relevant Articles Given RSIS Award
  • Media
      • Great Powers
      • Sustainable Security
      • Other Resource Pages
      • Media Highlights
      • News Releases
      • Speeches
      • Vidcast Channel
      • Audio/Video Forums
  • Events
  • Giving
  • Contact Us
  • instagram instagram rsis.sg
Connect

Getting to RSIS

Map

Address

Nanyang Technological University
Block S4, Level B3,
50 Nanyang Avenue,
Singapore 639798

View location on Google maps Click here for directions to RSIS

Get in Touch

    Connect with Us

      rsis.ntu
      rsis_ntu
      rsisntu
    RSISVideoCast RSISVideoCast rsisvideocast
      school/rsis-ntu
    instagram instagram rsis.sg
      RSS
    Subscribe to RSIS Publications
    Subscribe to RSIS Events

    RSIS Intranet

    S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Think Tank and Graduate School Ponder The Improbable Since 1966
    Nanyang Technological University Nanyang Technological University

    Skip to content

     
    • RSIS
    • Publication
    • RSIS Publications
    • CO10127 | China-Japan Dispute: Tokyo’s Foreign Policy of Pragmatism
    • Annual Reviews
    • Books
    • Bulletins and Newsletters
    • Commentaries
    • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
    • Commemorative / Event Reports
    • IDSS Paper
    • Interreligious Relations
    • Monographs
    • NTS Insight
    • Policy Reports
    • Working Papers
    • RSIS Publications for the Year

    CO10127 | China-Japan Dispute: Tokyo’s Foreign Policy of Pragmatism
    Bhubhindar Singh

    05 October 2010

    download pdf
    RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due credit to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected].

    Synopsis

    The Japanese government was slammed for giving in to Chinese pressure when it decided to release the captain of a Chinese vessel. Japan’s decision to release him, however, was a pragmatic one.

    Commentary

    TENSIONS FLARED following Japan’s arrest and detention of the captain of a Chinese vessel that collided into two Japanese coast guard ships in the East China Sea in early September. Though the Kan government released the captain after detaining him for more than two weeks, the crisis has shown no signs of dissipating. Instead, it has escalated with calls from China for a Japanese apology; and Japan, in turn, now seeks compensation from China for the damage caused to the Japanese ships.

    The Kan government faced intense pressure and criticism at home from opposition parties, the media and academics for its decision to release the captain. They argued that the Kan government ‘gave-in’ or ‘bowed’ to Chinese pressure and portrayed Japan as weak. But is that so? I would argue that Japan’s decision to release the captain was motivated more by pragmatism.

    Never too Late

    There has been considerable controversy surrounding Prime Minister Naoto Kan’s decision to release the Chinese captain. It can be seen as a pragmatic decision due to the following reasons:

    Firstly, the Japanese government had completed its investigations. According to the Naha District Public Prosecutors’ Office in Okinawa, the captain was released because investigations revealed that the collisions were not premeditated. In addition, it was announced that the captain had no criminal record. Officials from the Prosecutors’ Office also cited diplomatic reasons relating to the impact of the bilateral tensions on the Japanese people and Sino-Japanese relations.

    Secondly, Japan had already made the point that it would not be pushed around by China. Japan was steadfast in its investigations even though China gradually intensified action against Tokyo that involved summoning the Japanese ambassador on more than five separate occasions, suspending ministerial-level exchanges, cancelling Chinese tour packages to Japan and a series of other actions – all having considerable impact on the political and economic dimensions of the Sino-Japanese relationship. Though Japan may have accelerated the legal process, the arrest and investigations for the incident, respected domestic laws.

    Thirdly, the Kan government had just been sworn in. The bilateral spat between China and Japan was on-going during the party presidential election. The decision to release the captain marked a fresh start to both their term as the government of Japan and to Sino-Japanese relations.

    Finally, the decision also shows that the new government has the right priorities – to focus on the recovery of the Japanese economy. The Democratic Party of Japan – Prime Minister Kan’s party — was elected last August to bring about reforms to Japan’s long-standing economic stagnation. Fixing the economy is more important for most Japanese that any foreign policy issue. Whilst the stalemate in Sino-Japanese relations did not adversely affect the Japanese economy, it had the potential to do so. The China factor is absolutely crucial for the recovery of the fragile Japanese economy as China is Japan’s largest trading partner. The release of the captain in good time is recognition of this factor.

    New Phase in Sino-Japanese Relations

    Described widely as the most serious in recent years, the latest bilateral tiff reveals that the Sino-Japanese relationship has entered a new phase. The tensions are likely to continue for some time and could even shape the bilateral relationship over the medium to long term. Already engaged in a competitive economic relationship albeit a stable one, the incident signals the increasingly defining character of political interests in the course of bilateral relations. As political interests rather than economic ones dominate discussions, the Sino-Japanese relationship will experience more difficulties.

    This is apparent in the territorial dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands between Japan and China. Given its economic and military rise, China has been displaying a tougher but more confident approach to advance its national interests. This approach was first witnessed when China’s foreign minister, Yang Jiechi, lashed out at Hillary Clinton’s remarks that the South China Sea issue was part of the United States’ national interest; and now in reaction to Japan’s arrest and detention of the captain. Notwithstanding the rising concerns generated in some quarters, this robust approach by China is here to stay.

    In reaction, Japan does not want to be perceived as a weak state. Japan realises that a show of weakness could set a precedent for the future – a scenario Japan wants to avoid. As China continues to overtake Japan in the economic and military fields, Tokyo feels it important to ensure equal footing in its dealings with Beijing. This is especially so in relation to territorial disputes.

    In light of the new phase in Sino-Japanese relations, three points are crucial. Firstly, stability in Sino-Japanese relations is vital for the region’s continued growth and progress. Secondly, both Japan and China need to adopt a pragmatic approach when addressing bilateral disputes, unhindered by emotional or nationalistic sentiments. Japan’s release of the Chinese captain is a step in the right direction.

    Finally, the rise in bilateral tensions in the last three weeks has underscored the importance of the continued presence of the United States military in East Asia. The US alliance is not only the cornerstone of peace and stability in the region. It will also ensure that bilateral disputes do not degenerate into conflicts which could disrupt the economic and political stability of East Asia.

    About the Author

    Bhubhindar Singh is Assistant Professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. 

    Categories: Commentaries / International Politics and Security / Maritime Security / East Asia and Asia Pacific

    Last updated on 13/10/2014

    RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due credit to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected].

    Synopsis

    The Japanese government was slammed for giving in to Chinese pressure when it decided to release the captain of a Chinese vessel. Japan’s decision to release him, however, was a pragmatic one.

    Commentary

    TENSIONS FLARED following Japan’s arrest and detention of the captain of a Chinese vessel that collided into two Japanese coast guard ships in the East China Sea in early September. Though the Kan government released the captain after detaining him for more than two weeks, the crisis has shown no signs of dissipating. Instead, it has escalated with calls from China for a Japanese apology; and Japan, in turn, now seeks compensation from China for the damage caused to the Japanese ships.

    The Kan government faced intense pressure and criticism at home from opposition parties, the media and academics for its decision to release the captain. They argued that the Kan government ‘gave-in’ or ‘bowed’ to Chinese pressure and portrayed Japan as weak. But is that so? I would argue that Japan’s decision to release the captain was motivated more by pragmatism.

    Never too Late

    There has been considerable controversy surrounding Prime Minister Naoto Kan’s decision to release the Chinese captain. It can be seen as a pragmatic decision due to the following reasons:

    Firstly, the Japanese government had completed its investigations. According to the Naha District Public Prosecutors’ Office in Okinawa, the captain was released because investigations revealed that the collisions were not premeditated. In addition, it was announced that the captain had no criminal record. Officials from the Prosecutors’ Office also cited diplomatic reasons relating to the impact of the bilateral tensions on the Japanese people and Sino-Japanese relations.

    Secondly, Japan had already made the point that it would not be pushed around by China. Japan was steadfast in its investigations even though China gradually intensified action against Tokyo that involved summoning the Japanese ambassador on more than five separate occasions, suspending ministerial-level exchanges, cancelling Chinese tour packages to Japan and a series of other actions – all having considerable impact on the political and economic dimensions of the Sino-Japanese relationship. Though Japan may have accelerated the legal process, the arrest and investigations for the incident, respected domestic laws.

    Thirdly, the Kan government had just been sworn in. The bilateral spat between China and Japan was on-going during the party presidential election. The decision to release the captain marked a fresh start to both their term as the government of Japan and to Sino-Japanese relations.

    Finally, the decision also shows that the new government has the right priorities – to focus on the recovery of the Japanese economy. The Democratic Party of Japan – Prime Minister Kan’s party — was elected last August to bring about reforms to Japan’s long-standing economic stagnation. Fixing the economy is more important for most Japanese that any foreign policy issue. Whilst the stalemate in Sino-Japanese relations did not adversely affect the Japanese economy, it had the potential to do so. The China factor is absolutely crucial for the recovery of the fragile Japanese economy as China is Japan’s largest trading partner. The release of the captain in good time is recognition of this factor.

    New Phase in Sino-Japanese Relations

    Described widely as the most serious in recent years, the latest bilateral tiff reveals that the Sino-Japanese relationship has entered a new phase. The tensions are likely to continue for some time and could even shape the bilateral relationship over the medium to long term. Already engaged in a competitive economic relationship albeit a stable one, the incident signals the increasingly defining character of political interests in the course of bilateral relations. As political interests rather than economic ones dominate discussions, the Sino-Japanese relationship will experience more difficulties.

    This is apparent in the territorial dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands between Japan and China. Given its economic and military rise, China has been displaying a tougher but more confident approach to advance its national interests. This approach was first witnessed when China’s foreign minister, Yang Jiechi, lashed out at Hillary Clinton’s remarks that the South China Sea issue was part of the United States’ national interest; and now in reaction to Japan’s arrest and detention of the captain. Notwithstanding the rising concerns generated in some quarters, this robust approach by China is here to stay.

    In reaction, Japan does not want to be perceived as a weak state. Japan realises that a show of weakness could set a precedent for the future – a scenario Japan wants to avoid. As China continues to overtake Japan in the economic and military fields, Tokyo feels it important to ensure equal footing in its dealings with Beijing. This is especially so in relation to territorial disputes.

    In light of the new phase in Sino-Japanese relations, three points are crucial. Firstly, stability in Sino-Japanese relations is vital for the region’s continued growth and progress. Secondly, both Japan and China need to adopt a pragmatic approach when addressing bilateral disputes, unhindered by emotional or nationalistic sentiments. Japan’s release of the Chinese captain is a step in the right direction.

    Finally, the rise in bilateral tensions in the last three weeks has underscored the importance of the continued presence of the United States military in East Asia. The US alliance is not only the cornerstone of peace and stability in the region. It will also ensure that bilateral disputes do not degenerate into conflicts which could disrupt the economic and political stability of East Asia.

    About the Author

    Bhubhindar Singh is Assistant Professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. 

    Categories: Commentaries / International Politics and Security / Maritime Security

    Last updated on 13/10/2014

    Back to top

    Terms of Use | Privacy Statement
    Copyright © S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. All rights reserved.
    This site uses cookies to offer you a better browsing experience. By continuing, you are agreeing to the use of cookies on your device as described in our privacy policy. Learn more
    OK
    Latest Book
    CO10127 | China-Japan Dispute: Tokyo’s Foreign Policy of Pragmatism

    Synopsis

    The Japanese government was slammed for giving in to Chinese pressure when it de ...
    more info